Modi Thanks Bengal for BJP Blitz

“In the beginning of our history of political agitation in India there was not that conflict between parties which there is to-day. In that time there was a party known as the Indian congress; it had no real programme. They had a few grievances for redress by the authorities. They wanted larger representation in the Council House, and more freedom in the Municipal government. They wanted scraps of things, but they had no constructive ideal.” – Rabindranath Tagore, Nationalism in India

How the Saffron Wave Flowed Down Through the Ganges to the Bay of Bengal

by SB Veda

On the 165th Anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore, at the Kolkata Brigade Grounds amidst throngs of supporters, India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi paid tribute to Tagore, India’s only Nobel Laureate in Literature and Asia’s first Nobel awardee. He bowed in respect to the massive portrait of the poet laureate displayed at the oath taking ceremony today of the new Chief Minister, Suvendu Adhikari and four of his colleagues.

The date was chosen with precision – Tagore’s birth anniversary to mark a new birth in Bengal’s polity – the birth of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in West Bengal. It was also an attempt to convey to Bengalis that the BJP understands them, and they would no longer be neglected by the mandarins in Delhi. their noses upturned. Tagore is the only person to have composed the national anthems of two nations: India and Bangladesh. He revered among Bengalis the world over and often undermined by Indians outside of West Bengal.

Modi arrived at the swearing in ceremony flanked by all the other BJP state Chief Ministers, and notably with a saffron clad Suvendu Adhikari the Chief Minister elect in Bengal at his. Along with Samik Bhattacharya, BJP President in the state also at his side and Home Minister Amit Shah and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh in attendance, two of Modi’s closest deputies, the ceremony became a show of national party strength amidst chants of Modi’s name filling the air of the Kolkata Brigade Grounds. Today, the BJP is in power in all border states prompting Shah to promise closing the borders to infiltrators by building fences.

In a show of respect to the party’s past, Modi touched the feet in reverence of Makan Lal Sarkar, the first BJP president in the state. Notably, Sarkar was an aide to Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, the founder of the Jan Sangh, which was the first Hindu party in India and which was the predecessor of the BJP. The 97 year old retired politician was arrested with Mookerjee as they entered Kashmir in 1952 to protest then Prime Minister Nehru’s Permit System, which was implemented due to Article 370 of the Constitution of India, giving Kashmir special status. Mookherjee would have been glad at the Modi government’s repeal of that section of the constitution as he had advocated for “”One Nation, One Flag, One Constitution.”

Sarkar was in custody when Mookherjee died after being ‘treated’ by an army doctor who gave him the antibiotic Penicillin. It was well-known then that Mookherjee was allergic to the drug – certainly the government of the day and its leader knew it but Mookherjee was still given the antibiotic – and it ended his life. This was regarded as an act of state sanctioned extra-judicial execution by Mookherjee’s family. Modi’s tribute to Sarkar, therefore, had multiple meanings: Mookherjee is not forgotten and his vision is coming to pass.

THE ELECTION
By a 70% margin, the BJP galloped to a landslide victory in West Bengal on May 4th. The election result ended a fifteen-year run for the incumbent All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC). The carnage within TMC, which had maintained a stranglehold over the state’s politics since 2011 included the sitting Chief Minister. In the end, they held on to just 80 seats – a mere 27 percent tof the assembly.

On the night of the 4th with 90% of the votes cast, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee returned home with head downcast, for the writing was on the wall at her Bhabanipur constituency. She would be losing her seat in the riding, which had been her stronghold since she came to power in 2011. By the time the counting was over, it was not even close: over 15,000 more people had cast their vote for

Adhikari, former TMC Transport Minister who crossed the floor and joined the BJP in 2020.
He had already defeated Banerjee in his home riding of Nandigram in 2021 – but this latest victory surprised even supporters.

When Adhikhari had filed his nomination papers in Bhabanipur at the behest of the party, Central Government Home Minister, Amit Shah by his side, members of the TMC laughed at the audacity their former colleague to challenge Banerjee in a location where she was thought to be invulnerable. While he never wavered in displaying confidence in his ability to wrest the seat from Banerjee, surely pangs of anxiety must have run through his veins during those early days.

PEOPLE WERE FREE TO VOTE THEIR CONSCIENCE UNLIKE IN 2021
Similar results to 2026, overall, had been forecasted by exit polls in 2021 but for reasons explicitly unknown, the TMC surprisingly increased their majority prompting many to speculate if voter intimidation and fraud played a role. Still, many in the BJP remained hopeful because the margins of wins in individual constituencies were slim.

One theory involved accusations of voter intimidation and electoral interference, which many had reported experiencing for long.

“In the past, if I mentioned that I was voting for someone else,” Divya Sarkar (name changed to protect her identity) recalls, “I would not have been allowed to leave my home because TMC thugs would block me in.”

She adds: “Then at the polling booths, they stood behind me to make sure I cast my vote for the TMC. This time, they were prevented from doing so and I could vote freely.”

Indeed, the presence of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and cameras placed around polling centres to check the actions of thugs, lifted the weight under which people went to the polls in 2021. Voters felt free to vote their conscience, and the response was a whopping 92% voter turnout, the highest recorded since India’s independence in 1947.

History in the making: Suvendu Adhikari takes oath of office as first BJP Chief Minister of West Bengal – source YouTube

CELEBRATION AMIDST MOURNING
Reports of post-poll clashes emerged from multiple districts, properties were vandalized, and political workers from both camps accused each other of orchestrating retaliatory attacks. The violence reached a grim peak with the murder of Chandranath Rath, a close aide and personal assistant to Adhikari, who, at the time of the shooting, had emerged as the leading contender for the chief minister’s post after the BJP’s strong performance.

Rath was shot dead on the night of May 6th after his vehicle crossed over airport area into the Kolkata Suburb of Madhyagram. Eight armed assailants on four motorcycles intercepted his vehicle, while a Hyundai Santro blocked his vehicle in the front causing his driver to stop following which another motorcycle with two men on it pulled up beside the vehicle with the hitman, shooting him in through the window. BJP leaders have described the killing as a “pre-planned” political assassination.

The vehicle was later found to be registered in Siliguri in North Bengal but the plate was found to be stolen, demonstrating the level of preplanning and sophistication in the crime. At least four rounds were fired by the shooter(s), three hitting Rath at point blank range who died shortly after from wounds to his chest and head, while a fourth and possibly fifth hit his driver, Buddadeb Bera, who was taken to SSKM hospital with wounds to his abdomen and leg, where he remains in critical condition.

The shocking and brutal killing sent shockwaves across Bengal’s already polarized political landscape and deepened concerns that post-election violence in the state had become entrenched as a recurring feature of democratic transitions.

Adhikari on Thursday referred to the killing as a “cold-blooded murder” and alleged that the killers had carried out reconnaissance before executing the attack in West Bengal’s North 24 Parganas district. Rath was on his way home from Kolkata, following a route he regularly took to return home.

“The way the attack was executed clearly suggests that the assailants had done a recce beforehand,” Adhikari alleged. However, in an atmosphere in which BJP leaders were already blaming the TMC for the killing, Adhikari appealed for calm, implored party members not to retaliate.

MP, Arjun Singh is a prominent Indian politician from the North 24 Parganas where Rath was assassinated, implicated Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee in the assassination plot. “Abhishek Banerjee is behind this murder,” he claimed, adding: “This is a planned murder where a sharpshooter did the job. Abhishek Banerjee has some police officials who do this only. This is Abhishek Banerjee’s doing,” Singh alleged.

Adhikari, perhaps mindful that he would be chosen to lead, counseled caution. “We don’t want to draw a conclusion as of now, as police are investigating the matter,” he said, adding: “”We would appeal to everyone not to take the law into their own hands.”

Prime Minister Narendra Modi (front left) with newly sworn in Chief Minister of West Bengal, Suvendu Adhikari (front right) after oath taking – source YouTube

Adhikari claimed that other attacks had occurred against BJP workers: “”While we were here, one of our cadre was shot at in Basirhat, and another was stabbed in Baranagar area,” he said.

As security was heightened around the hospital, enhancement to Adhikari’s security who is currently under the “Z-category” security cover provided by the CRPF, is being considered by authorities after gathering intelligence inputs. With Central agencies and security officials assessing the threat perception, and a decision on a possible security upgrade is likely soon, say sources.

The grief expressed by Rath’s family quickly became a focal point of the controversy. His mother publicly alleged that the murder was an act of political revenge and directly implicated the Trinamool Congress. According to reports, she stated that her son had been targeted for a long time because of his association with Suvendu Adhikari and the BJP.

It is alleged that Banerjee’s nephew, the TMC national general secretary wielded extraordinary control over the state apparatus because “corrupt police” officers were effectively operating on his payroll. Similar allegations regarding political intimidation and misuse of administrative machinery have surfaced repeatedly in the bitter rivalry between Adhikari and Abhishek Banerjee over the past several years.

The TMC has denied all involvement in Rath’s murder and has called for an independent investigation. Nevertheless, the incident has reinforced the BJP narrative that political violence in Bengal is not sporadic but systemic.

The election itself had already unfolded under extraordinary security measures. Learning from the violence that followed previous polls, the Election Commission and central authorities deployed an unprecedented number of Central Armed Police Forces, including large contingents of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). More than two hundred thousand central security personnel were reportedly stationed across the state, supported by drone surveillance, integrated monitoring systems, extensive CCTV coverage, and quick-response teams.

The purpose of this heavy deployment was explicit: to deter voter intimidation, prevent booth capturing, and reassure ordinary citizens that they could vote without fear. West Bengal elections have long carried allegations of coercion by local political cadres, especially in rural and semi-urban constituencies where opposition parties often claimed that voters were threatened or prevented from reaching polling stations. The visible presence of CRPF personnel and cameras was intended to break that climate of fear.

The result was highest voter engagement in the history of independent India. Observers noted that women, first-time voters, and residents of politically sensitive areas appeared more willing to cast ballots under the protection of central forces. Some CRPF officials argued that the turnout demonstrated how neutral security deployment could transform an atmosphere of intimidation into one of democratic participation.

WOMEN VOTED FOR JUSTICE
A major factor that appears to have influenced voting behavior in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly election was the growing anger among many women voters over the state government’s handling of crimes against women. Over the past several years, the Mamata Banerjee administration has faced sustained criticism from opposition parties, civil society groups, and sections of the medical community over allegations that politically sensitive crimes were either inadequately investigated or publicly minimized – even covered-up.

The issue boiled over following the rape and murder of a postgraduate trainee doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital, a case that triggered nationwide outrage and prolonged protests by doctors and students. RG Kar Medical College and Hospital demonstrations spread beyond Bengal, with protesters accusing the state administration of attempting to suppress scrutiny and failing to ensure accountability. The crime scene was not preserved and likely tampered, and conspiracy behind the cover-up was never uncovered. Banerjee refused to meet protestors under their terms. The case became a symbol of broader anxieties surrounding women’s safety, institutional corruption, and political interference in investigations.

Critics of the government were particularly angered by remarks from Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee that opponents described as dismissive or insufficiently empathetic toward victims. BJP leaders and women’s rights activists repeatedly accused the state government of engaging in “victim-blaming” rhetoric rather than addressing systemic failures in policing and public safety. The TMC rejected those accusations and maintained that the government had cooperated with investigations and acted against those responsible. Nevertheless, those words rang hollow in the wake of public inaction.

Peaceful demonstrators voicing criticism of RG Kar gang rape-murder cover-up and insufficient investigation are dispersed by water canons on orders of Mamaata Banerjee. Many said the liquid contained corrosive chemicals, which if true would mean the West Bengal government at the instance of CM Mamata Banerjee, ordered the security apparatus of the state to use chemical weaponry against its own citizens in a peaceful expression of dissent. – source YouTube

The resulting political damage appears to have been substantial. During the election campaign, BJP leaders repeatedly invoked the RG Kar case at rallies and in social media outreach, arguing that Bengal’s women could no longer trust the state administration to protect them. In several constituencies, especially urban and semi-urban areas with large populations of students, professionals, and first-time women voters, the issue became a major point of discussion. Prior to the RG Kar case, the Banerjee administration had been criticized for taking insufficient action on incidents of gangrapes in places like Kamduni, Katwa, Kharjuna and Park Street.

When a 23-year-old student from Odisha was allegedly abducted and gang-raped in a forested area near a private medical college in Durgapur, West Bengal, on the night of October 10, 2025, Banerjee reacted by questioning why the “girl” was outside late at night in the first place demonstrating that she had not shed her habit of victim-blaming even after the RG Kar case was over a year old. She had, apparently, learned nothing from it.

Amit Shah pointed out that many female candidates standing for the BJP were victorious including Ratna Debnath, the RG Kar victim’s mother, who was elected in Panihati by a margin of 28,836 votes against the Trinamool Congress’s Tirthankar Ghosh. She had said that she “”Chose politics to fight for justice.” And, if her and the party’s victory gave her some modicum of justice, then one may conclude that the result was a blow for women against Banerjee’s failure to uphold the law (and possible connivance with perpetrators in the case of RG Kar).

Observers noted that the unusually high turnout among women voters may have reflected not only traditional welfare considerations, but also a growing backlash against perceived failures in law enforcement and accountability. Women standing in long queues outside polling stations frequently told local media that issues of safety, justice, and political protection for the accused had become central concerns in their voting decisions.

For the BJP, the RG Kar tragedy became part of a larger political narrative: that the ruling establishment had created a culture in which politically connected individuals were insulated from scrutiny while ordinary citizens, especially women, struggled to obtain justice. For the TMC, opposition attempts to show common cause with outraged citizens were portrayed as politically opportunistic. Notwithstanding political interpretation, the  impact of the incident clearly extended to all quarters of West Bengal – and not just its medical community.

CORRUPTION IN THE TMC
Corruption allegations have also played a central role in Bengal politics over recent years. Multiple scandals, including the school recruitment scam and earlier financial controversies such as the Saradha and Narada cases, damaged the image of the ruling establishment and fueled opposition claims that sections of the administration had become compromised. Although allegations against Abhishek Banerjee himself remain disputed and no court has convicted him of wrongdoing, BJP leaders have consistently portrayed him as the symbol of an increasingly centralized and opaque political system in Bengal.

This erosion of trust was particularly significant because Mamata Banerjee had long relied on a personal image of austerity and populist authenticity to distinguish herself from rivals. Persistent allegations surrounding senior TMC party members such as nephew, Abhishek Banerjee and Kolkata mayor Firhad Hakim, both of whom became central targets of opposition attacks during the campaign – and enjoyed the support of the Chief Minister.

BJP leaders repeatedly portrayed the two men as symbols of what they described as the criminalization and corruption of Bengal’s political system, alleging the existence of networks involving extortion, political intimidation, “cut money” collection, and misuse of administrative influence. Many of these allegations remain disputed, and neither Banerjee nor Hakim has been convicted of criminal wrongdoing.

Mamata Banerjee’s nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, alleged to have been bribed Rs.900 Cr. for the Coal Scam, involved in cow smuggling, and more recently a charge sheet was issued over the teacher recruitment scam. If true, he is one of the most corrupt politicians in India. Arjun Singh claims he is responsible for the assassination of Chandranath Rath, former P/A to Suvendu Adhikari
– source Wikipedia

Nevertheless, the controversies significantly shaped public perception. Abhishek Banerjee in particular became a lightning rod for criticism because of his rapid rise within the ruling establishment and his growing influence over the party organization. Opposition parties repeatedly linked his name to various corruption investigations, especially the school recruitment scandal that dominated Bengal politics for years. While legal proceedings remain ongoing and several allegations have not been conclusively proven in court, BJP leaders argued that the concentration of power around Abhishek Banerjee reflected a broader system of political patronage and protection.

Firhad Hakim also faced sustained criticism over allegations involving municipal corruption, politically connected intermediaries, and the functioning of Kolkata’s civic administration. Investigative agencies conducted searches connected to alleged irregularities in civic recruitment processes, while opposition figures accused networks linked to his office of engaging in extortion and influence-peddling. One controversy that attracted particular attention involved complaints filed by individuals associated with Abhishek Banerjee’s own office alleging that an official linked to Hakim had used Banerjee’s name to solicit money from contractors seeking government work. The unusual public dispute between factions within the ruling establishment fuelled speculation that corruption and financial patronage networks had become so extensive that even internal rivalries within the TMC were surfacing openly.

Critics argued that these controversies reinforced the perception that sections of the ruling party operated through informal systems of political and financial control extending deep into local administration, contracting networks, educational recruitment, and municipal governance.

Opposition campaigns repeatedly used phrases such as “cut money raj” and “syndicate culture” to describe what they alleged was a system in which politically connected middlemen extracted payments in exchange for access to jobs, contracts, permits, and welfare benefits.

The political impact of these allegations was magnified by broader public frustration over unemployment, stalled economic opportunities, and perceptions of unequal access to state resources. Among many urban and middle-class voters, the controversies contributed to a sense that Bengal’s institutions had become excessively politicized and that accountability mechanisms had weakened after years of uninterrupted TMC rule.

Farid (Bobby) Hakim, Mayor of Kolkata and MLA for Port of Kolkata riding, and alleged to be involved in cow smuggling, Narada bribery case (for which he was arrested due to video.footage of Hakim accepting bribes), and the civic recruitment bribery scam, numerous extortion claims, among other corruption accusations..
– source Wikipedia

IPAC MYTH BUSTED
My brother-in-law who voted for the TMC as has for the past fifteen years, like many of his ilk, blamed Abhishek Banerjee’s reliance upon the Indian Political Action Committee (IPAC) as a significant reason behind the ouster of the government. There is some merit to this argument, for the electoral result dealt a severe blow to the carefully cultivated reputation of political strategist Prashant Kishor and his IPAC political consultancy. For years, large sections of the national media had portrayed Kishor as a master tactician whose data-driven campaigning methods were reshaping political outcomes all across India.

Kishor’s association with successful campaigns in states such as Bihar, Delhi, and West Bengal helped create the image of a political savant capable of engineering victories through sophisticated messaging, booth management, and voter targeting. Yet the 2026 Bengal election exposed the limitations of that narrative. Critics argued that IPAC had become excessively reliant on perception management, social media branding, and tightly controlled media narratives while underestimating the depth of anti-incumbency sentiment on the ground. Despite aggressive campaign messaging and attempts to frame Mamata Banerjee as the indispensable defender of Bengali identity, the election revealed growing voter fatigue with corruption scandals, political violence, and governance failures.

The contrast with 2021 was especially striking. At that time, many commentators credited Kishor’s strategic acumen for the TMC’s sweeping victory despite exit polls forecasting a close contest. But after the 2026 results, opponents argued that the earlier success may have owed less to campaign brilliance than to structural advantages enjoyed by the ruling party in a politically intimidating environment. The strong turnout under heavy CRPF deployment and expanded surveillance in 2026 weakened the myth that electoral outcomes in Bengal were primarily the product of masterful political consulting. Instead, critics contended that when voters felt more secure and less vulnerable to coercion, the supposedly unbeatable machinery designed by IPAC appeared far less formidable than media narratives had suggested.

Mamata Banerjee (left) with Prasant Kishor (right) of IPAC. His credit for the 2021 assembly victory is being called into question by the recent resounding defeat of Banerjee’s TMC – source: file

CONTINUING CHALLENGES
Against this backdrop, the murder of Chandranath Rath carries significance beyond a single criminal case. For BJP supporters, it symbolizes what they describe as the continuing breakdown of democratic norms under a politicized system.

What is undeniable is that Bengal continues to experience a level of political hostility rarely seen elsewhere in India. Elections in the state are not merely contests over governance; they have increasingly become existential battles for organizational survival and territorial control. The line between political competition and violent confrontation has blurred repeatedly over the past decade.

The deployment of CRPF personnel, CCTV systems, drones, and unprecedented security infrastructure during the 2026 election may therefore represent more than a temporary administrative measure. It could signal an acknowledgment by national institutions that restoring public confidence in Bengal’s democratic process requires visible neutrality and credible protection for voters.

Whether that model becomes permanent remains uncertain. But the combination of record turnout, reduced reports of booth intimidation during polling, and the intense backlash following post-election violence has reshaped the debate about democracy in West Bengal.

The state now stands at a crossroads. If political actors continue to view violence as an acceptable extension of electoral competition, the legitimacy of democratic outcomes will remain under constant suspicion. But if stronger institutional safeguards, transparent policing, and genuinely impartial investigations become the norm, Bengal may yet move away from the cycle of fear and reprisal that has haunted its politics for years.

For now, the images of the sea of saffron at the Kolkata parade ground may gloss over scenes of heavy police and almost militaristic presence near polling sites but despite the saffron celebration, what is clear is that the new Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari and his colleagues have much fence-mending to do in Bengal – acts that could prove to be far more significant than building a border fence. It will take much time and effort to deescalate the tensions created in the political atmosphere created by Mamata Banerjee.

DEFIANT BANERJEE
Banerjee, incidentally, had refused to resign amidst accusations of poll looting. She stated that she had not lost and would therefore not go to see the Governor of West Bengal to tender her resignation. An unprecedented denial that no politician had previously dared to attempt, Banerjee seemed Trumpian in her defiance.

In a show of Trumpian defiance, a seemingly delusional Mamata Banerjee declares victory, and refuses to resign in spite of overwhelming defeat to the BJP, which beat her TMC party by 207 seats to 80 – source: file

Her stubborn stance prompted Governor R.N. Ravi to dissolve the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, yesterday, under Article 174(2)(b) of the Constitution, finally bringing a the end of Mamata Banerjee’s tenure as chief minister.

Without a seat in the Assembly, one wonders who will likely lead the opposition despite TMC mouthpieces saying Mamata Banerjee will continue to lead. Whether elder statesman, Sovandeb Chattopadhyay, victorious in his Ballygunge riding will be selected or potential rival to the Banerjee family, Firhad Hakim, whose position as mayor of Kolkata and decisive victory in his Port of Kolkata constituency, may have elevated his status in the eyes of those who believe Banerjee’s time up, Banerjee is sure to cling to power within a party she co-founded. For many, though, it is hard to justify her continued leadership when she could not even hold on to her seat.

That said, whether she hangs on to fight another day or is relegated to the annals of history, her ghost will likely haunt West Bengal for years to come. Adhikari must make sure that he doesn’t let it interfere with his governance of the state and willingness to repair political divides in a state that, despite the BJP’s decisive victory, still remains at odds with itself.